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SOEKARNO ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RELIGION AND STATE

By SHIDARTA (September 2026)

This article was written on September 12, 2026. More than a century earlier, on September 12, 1923, a highly influential Islamic organization, Persatuan Islam (Persis), was founded in Bandung. One of its prominent and influential figures was A. Hassan, an Islamic thinker who wrote more than eighty books during his lifetime. His name reminds me of an author whose books I frequently consulted to understand Islam while attending secondary school, particularly Pengajaran Shalat (Instructions on Prayer) and Tarjamah Bulughul Maram (A Translation of Bulughul Maram). A. Hassan’s straightforward writing style made his works easy to understand.

I later learned that A. Hassan also played an important role in the development of Soekarno’s thought, particularly his understanding of the relationship between the state and religion—or, more specifically, between the state and Islam. In Soekarno’s autobiography, Bung Karno Penyambung Lidah Rakyat Indonesia, A. Hassan is mentioned once (1966 edition, page 188). The reference appears in an account of Hassan Din, a Muhammadiyah leader in Bengkulu and the father of Fatmawati, who would later become Soekarno’s wife, asking Soekarno to teach children at a Muhammadiyah school there. As quoted by Soekarno, Hassan Din said:

“Muhammadiyah runs a religious primary school, and we are short of teachers. We know that during your time in Ende, Bung Karno, you maintained close contact with Persatuan Islam in Bandung, and we have heard that you share the views of Achmad Hassan, that intellectually gifted teacher. Would you also be willing to help us by teaching?”

According to other accounts, A. Hassan reportedly visited Soekarno several times during his imprisonment in Sukamiskin, Bandung, and brought him books. However, A. Hassan’s name does not appear in the Sukamiskin section of the autobiography mentioned above. Instead, Soekarno identifies his wife, Inggit, as the person who regularly supplied him with religious books. He also mentions his elder sister, Sukarmini, who visited him twice.

Communication between A. Hassan and Soekarno is more frequently discussed in connection with Soekarno’s exile in Ende, consistently spelled “Endeh” in his book. They exchanged letters discussing Islam. Soekarno understood and could accept A. Hassan’s approach to religion in its relationship with the state. Their correspondence was published in another book, Di Bawah Panji Revolusi (Under the Banner of the Revolution), particularly in the chapter “Surat-Surat Islam dari Endeh” (“Letters on Islam from Endeh”).

One point of agreement between A. Hassan and Soekarno was that both regarded religion as rational and dynamic rather than stagnant. Religious practice should help liberate people from backwardness, superstition, and intellectual stagnation. These problems could be addressed by returning directly to the sources of religious understanding—the Qur’an and Sunnah—rather than blindly following ancestral traditions and religious authorities. This progressive outlook suited Soekarno’s intellectual disposition, which was critical of feudalism, blind adherence, and rigid thinking. Both agreed that Islam must be able to engage with modernity, science, rationality, and social change.

Given this outlook, there is little doubt that they believed Islam could address every issue, including questions of nationhood. But did this necessarily mean that Islam should provide the foundation for establishing a state? More specifically, should the future Indonesian state be founded on Islam?

A. Hassan, whose position was subsequently carried forward by his student Mohammad Natsir, viewed Islam as a normative framework with necessary implications for political and state affairs. Islam should therefore also serve as the state’s normative foundation. Religion and the state could not be separated. Nevertheless, A. Hassan did not fully endorse the concept of a theocratic state in which religious scholars hold governmental power, as practiced in several countries describing themselves as “Islamic states.”

Soekarno was aware of this position but chose a different approach from that of his friend. Thus, in his speech on June 1, 1945, he emphasized that, as Indonesia sought independence as a nation and a state, what was needed was agreement on a philosophische grondslag, or philosophical foundation. He stated:

“Together, we seek agreement on a ‘philosophische grondslag,’ a ‘Weltanschauung’ that we can all accept. I repeat: accept! One that Brother Yamin accepts, that Ki Bagoes accepts, that Ki Hadjar accepts, that Brother Sanoesi accepts, that Brother Abdikoesno accepts, and that Brother Lim Koen Hian accepts. In short, we are all seeking common ground.”

To emphasize the importance of this unity, Soekarno proposed a compromise: the relationship between the state and religion should not be defined exclusively in terms of the beliefs of any one religious group, particularly when those beliefs might not even be uniformly shared within that group. Soekarno viewed Indonesia from a broad, overarching perspective, seeing the forest rather than concentrating on a single tree. This was what he meant by “seeking common ground.”

We can now understand why Soekarno called the first of his proposed principles for the state INDONESIAN NATIONHOOD. He stated:

“Both those of you here who are called nationalists and those who are called the Islamic group have reached agreement.… We intend to establish a state of ‘all for all.’ Not for one person, not for one group, whether the aristocracy or the wealthy—but ‘all for all.’… The first appropriate foundation for the Indonesian state is nationhood.”

Where, then, did Soekarno place belief in God in his speech on June 1, 1945? Interestingly, he placed it fifth, as the final principle. He explained:

“The principle of an independent Indonesia devoted to Almighty God.… The fifth principle of our state is a cultured belief in God, a belief expressed through noble character. A belief in God founded on mutual respect.”

In the study of law, the placement of CULTURED BELIEF IN GOD as the final principle should not be understood as making it weaker than the four preceding principles. Students of law will recognize that when successive articles or paragraphs contradict one another, the later provision is the one accorded greater authority and treated as the governing provision. It is therefore careless to claim that placing “Cultured Belief in God”—subsequently described by Soekarno as a sila, or principle—in fifth position demonstrated insufficient regard for divine values.

The word “cultured” here expresses Soekarno’s desire to elevate belief in God to a more dignified level, far removed from forms of belief, including religious practice, that perpetuate backwardness, superstition, and intellectual stagnation. He wanted all beliefs and religions in Indonesia to be capable of engaging with modernity, science, rationality, and social change. Soekarno captured this outlook in one apt word: “cultured.”

Understanding Pancasila as a philosophische grondslag, Soekarno could also accept a change in the ordering of its principles. The principle of Cultured Belief in God was subsequently placed first and reformulated as Belief in the One and Only God. His acceptance can be understood in light of his desire to find common ground on principles acceptable to all elements of the Indonesian nation. (***)

 

This is a translation from: https://business-law.binus.ac.id/2026/09/12/soekarno-tentang-hubungan-agama-dan-negara/

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